T reprieve brought by the end of fighting in Gaza is immense. In Israel, the release of surviving detainees has led to extensive joy. Throughout Gaza and the West Bank, festivities have commenced as up to 2,000 Palestinian detainees start to be released – though distress remains due to uncertainty about which prisoners are returning and their eventual placements. In northern Gaza, civilians can at last go back to search the debris for the remains of an believed 10,000 missing people.
Just three weeks ago, the likelihood of a ceasefire seemed unlikely. Yet it has been implemented, and on Monday Donald Trump travelled from Jerusalem, where he was applauded in the Knesset, to Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt. There, he participated in a high-powered diplomatic gathering of in excess of 20 world leaders, among them Sir Keir Starmer. The peace initiative launched at that summit is set to advance at a conference in the UK. The US president, acting with international partners, managed to secure this deal take place – regardless of, not owing to, Israel’s prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Aspirations that the deal represents the first step toward Palestinian statehood are comprehensible – but, given historical precedent, somewhat optimistic. It provides no definite route to self-rule for Palestinians and endangers splitting, for the near term, Gaza from the West Bank. Then there is the total ruin this war has caused. The lack of any schedule for Palestinian self-governance in the US initiative contradicts boastful mentions, in his Knesset speech, to the “monumental start” of a “era of prosperity”.
Donald Trump could not resist sowing division and individualizing the deal in his speech.
In a moment of respite – with the hostage release, truce and restart of aid – he decided to reinterpret it as a ethical drama in which he exclusively restored Israel’s dignity after alleged disloyalty by previous American leaders Obama and Biden. Notwithstanding the Biden administration previously having attempted a similar deal: a cessation of hostilities linked to aid delivery and eventual diplomatic discussions.
A plan that refuses one side genuine autonomy is incapable of delivering legitimate peace. The truce and humanitarian convoys are to be embraced. But this is not yet policy development. Without mechanisms securing Palestinian involvement and authority over their own establishments, any deal threatens freezing oppression under the rhetoric of peace.
Gaza’s people urgently require humanitarian aid – and nutrition and medication must be the primary focus. But rebuilding cannot wait. Within 60 million tonnes of wreckage, Palestinians need help repairing residences, educational facilities, hospitals, places of worship and other organizations devastated by Israel’s invasion. For Gaza’s provisional leadership to succeed, monetary resources must flow quickly and safety deficiencies be filled.
Like a large portion of the president's diplomatic proposal, mentions to an multinational security contingent and a suggested “board of peace” are worryingly ambiguous.
Robust global backing for the Palestinian leadership, enabling it to take over from Hamas, is likely the most hopeful scenario. The enormous suffering of the recent period means the ethical argument for a solution to the conflict is arguably more pressing than ever. But even as the ceasefire, the homecoming of the captives and vow by Hamas to “remove weapons from” Gaza should be accepted as favorable developments, Mr Trump’s record provides scant basis to believe he will deliver – or feel bound to attempt. Immediate respite should not be interpreted as that the prospect of a Palestinian state has been moved nearer.
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